Japanese
Yume and Chinese Dream and their Future Imagination
In
East Asia, “dream” is not just a personal fantasy, but political symbols tied
to national sentiment, collective memory, and future aspirations.
In Japan, dreams have long been associated with technological progress and collective ambition. The Shinkansen’s 「夢の超特急」(Yume no Chotokkyu, Dream Super Express) (Skov, Lise & Brian Moeran, 1995) and Takeda Pharmaceutical’s 「夢のクスリ」(Yume no Kusuri, Dream Medicine) (Ozawa, 1996)both symbolize technological advancement and a shared future vision. Konosuke Matsushita, in 「私の夢、日本の夢―21世紀の日本」 (My Dream, Japan’s Dream: Japan in the 21st Century), emphasized that dreams serve as a guiding force for both individuals and the nation, fostering confidence and an innovative spirit (Matsushita, 1989). In Japan, dreams are actively shaped as national aspirations. The 2007 「イノベーション25中期報告」 (Innovation 25 mid-term report) stated: The government has the challenging task of initiating the development of a society where these future dreams and expectations of the people can be realized within an acceptable timeframe. (Innovation 25, Creating the Future, Challenging Unlimited Possibilities, Interim Report, Executive Summary , 2007).”
In contrast, China’s 「中國夢」(Chinese Dream), introduced by Xi Jinping in 2012, promotes 「實現中華民族偉大復興」 (the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation), aiming to build a moderately prosperous society and a fully modernized socialist state by the centennials of the Chinese Communist Party and the People’s Republic of China (Jinping, 2012). Xi’s 「新時代中國特色社會主義思想」(Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era) underscores:「要實現中國夢，必須走中國道路、弘揚中國精神、凝聚中國力量」
(“To realize the Chinese Dream, we must follow the Chinese path, uphold the Chinese spirit, and unite Chinese strength”) (Jinping, 2012). State-run media such as People’s Daily reinforce this vision, framing happiness as a collective goal (Daily, 2024)
Japan drives technological transformation through dreams, while China constructs a national revival narrative, illustrating how East Asian nations conceptualize the future through historical and cultural imaginaries. Despite their focus on national strength and progress, these visions tend to preserve tradition rather than foster ideological reform. Yuk Hui argues that East Asia’s approach to technology often lacks critical reflection, leading to an unchallenged divide between technology and culture (Hui, The Question Concerning Technology in China, 2016). Meanwhile, Malaysian-Chinese artist Lawrence Lek’s film essay Sinofuturismcritiques how Western media exoticize China’s technological rise, whereas domestic narratives emphasize heroism and national unity (Lek, Sinofuturism, 2016).
This contrasts with the American Dream, which prioritizes individualism. Rooted in the Declaration of Independence’s assertion of “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” (America, 1776), it envisions success as a personal endeavor. James Truslow Adams described it as "We have been lured by the American Dream, a dream of a land where life should be better, richer, and fuller for everyone, with opportunity according to ability or achievement (James Truslow Adams & Howard G. Schneiderman, 2012).". Martin Luther King Jr. also invoked this idea in his "Letter from Birmingham Jail (Letter from a Birmingham Jail, 1963).”
However, this chapter does not seek to evaluate these visions as superior or inferior. Instead, it aims to explore the interwoven nature of East Asian future imaginaries and collective spiritual strength. Future visions are not solely tied to technology but are deeply intertwined with political, economic, and cultural structures. Moreover, modern development in East Asia is often accompanied by historical trauma. Taiwan was under Japanese colonial rule for 50 years, Korea for 35 years, and Hong Kong was a British colony for 156 years. These experiences shape the region’s future imagination through a process of historical reflection and reconstruction. Even today, these societies continue to bear the effects of historical trauma, while technological, political, and economic factors contribute to an uncertain future.
In “Manufacturing a Woman to Order,” “Dream Harbor” serves as a cultural and political metaphor, reflecting how East Asian societies internalize historical trauma as part of their collective future imagination. The city embodies East Asia’s fixation on collective dreams, it is both a symbol of technological “utopia” and an extension of digital surveillance.
In Japan, dreams have long been associated with technological progress and collective ambition. The Shinkansen’s 「夢の超特急」(Yume no Chotokkyu, Dream Super Express) (Skov, Lise & Brian Moeran, 1995) and Takeda Pharmaceutical’s 「夢のクスリ」(Yume no Kusuri, Dream Medicine) (Ozawa, 1996)both symbolize technological advancement and a shared future vision. Konosuke Matsushita, in 「私の夢、日本の夢―21世紀の日本」 (My Dream, Japan’s Dream: Japan in the 21st Century), emphasized that dreams serve as a guiding force for both individuals and the nation, fostering confidence and an innovative spirit (Matsushita, 1989). In Japan, dreams are actively shaped as national aspirations. The 2007 「イノベーション25中期報告」 (Innovation 25 mid-term report) stated: The government has the challenging task of initiating the development of a society where these future dreams and expectations of the people can be realized within an acceptable timeframe. (Innovation 25, Creating the Future, Challenging Unlimited Possibilities, Interim Report, Executive Summary , 2007).”
In contrast, China’s 「中國夢」(Chinese Dream), introduced by Xi Jinping in 2012, promotes 「實現中華民族偉大復興」 (the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation), aiming to build a moderately prosperous society and a fully modernized socialist state by the centennials of the Chinese Communist Party and the People’s Republic of China (Jinping, 2012). Xi’s 「新時代中國特色社會主義思想」(Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era) underscores:「要實現中國夢，必須走中國道路、弘揚中國精神、凝聚中國力量」
(“To realize the Chinese Dream, we must follow the Chinese path, uphold the Chinese spirit, and unite Chinese strength”) (Jinping, 2012). State-run media such as People’s Daily reinforce this vision, framing happiness as a collective goal (Daily, 2024)
Japan drives technological transformation through dreams, while China constructs a national revival narrative, illustrating how East Asian nations conceptualize the future through historical and cultural imaginaries. Despite their focus on national strength and progress, these visions tend to preserve tradition rather than foster ideological reform. Yuk Hui argues that East Asia’s approach to technology often lacks critical reflection, leading to an unchallenged divide between technology and culture (Hui, The Question Concerning Technology in China, 2016). Meanwhile, Malaysian-Chinese artist Lawrence Lek’s film essay Sinofuturismcritiques how Western media exoticize China’s technological rise, whereas domestic narratives emphasize heroism and national unity (Lek, Sinofuturism, 2016).
This contrasts with the American Dream, which prioritizes individualism. Rooted in the Declaration of Independence’s assertion of “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” (America, 1776), it envisions success as a personal endeavor. James Truslow Adams described it as "We have been lured by the American Dream, a dream of a land where life should be better, richer, and fuller for everyone, with opportunity according to ability or achievement (James Truslow Adams & Howard G. Schneiderman, 2012).". Martin Luther King Jr. also invoked this idea in his "Letter from Birmingham Jail (Letter from a Birmingham Jail, 1963).”
However, this chapter does not seek to evaluate these visions as superior or inferior. Instead, it aims to explore the interwoven nature of East Asian future imaginaries and collective spiritual strength. Future visions are not solely tied to technology but are deeply intertwined with political, economic, and cultural structures. Moreover, modern development in East Asia is often accompanied by historical trauma. Taiwan was under Japanese colonial rule for 50 years, Korea for 35 years, and Hong Kong was a British colony for 156 years. These experiences shape the region’s future imagination through a process of historical reflection and reconstruction. Even today, these societies continue to bear the effects of historical trauma, while technological, political, and economic factors contribute to an uncertain future.
In “Manufacturing a Woman to Order,” “Dream Harbor” serves as a cultural and political metaphor, reflecting how East Asian societies internalize historical trauma as part of their collective future imagination. The city embodies East Asia’s fixation on collective dreams, it is both a symbol of technological “utopia” and an extension of digital surveillance.
Tradition
and Future Tensions in Policy Practices
One of the characteristics of East Asian futurism is the deep entanglement of technological development with the “time.” According to “Elizabeth F. Cohen in The Political Value of Time: Citizenship, Duration, and Democratic Justice,” defines this temporal politics as how states plan for the future, allocate time resources, and shape specific historical narratives and national imaginaries through technological advancements. Within this framework, technology is not merely a tool for progress; it is a temporal strategy through which states reconstruct national identity and future visions via historical memory. It determines which groups can participate in the future, which values are perpetuated, and which are forgotten or marginalized (Cohen, 2018).
A key example is Japan’s Innovation 25 initiative, which aimed to
revitalize Japanese society by 2025 through widespread robotic integration,
aiming to counter aging and workforce decline by encouraging women to marry and
have children, with domestic robots easing household burdens (Japan, 2007). The Innovation
25 Strategic Council (イノベーション25戦略会議) even commissioned renowned manga artist Ryuji Fujii to
create an illustrated book to popularize the initiative. The book suggested
that robots could take over household and caregiving duties, ostensibly freeing
women’s time and energy for their careers (Katsuhiko Eguchi & Ryuji Fujii , 2007). Yet, this
reinforced traditional gender roles rather than enabling true workforce
liberation (Shirahase, 2013).
On the surface, Innovation 25 appears forward-thinking in its vision of robots aiding women in focusing on their careers. Yet, this vision is sharply contradicted by the reality - both at the time of its publication and persisting into our current context - of limited career advancement opportunities for women and the looming possibility of AI replacing predominantly female-dominated jobs such as secretarial and assistant roles (Forum, 2023). Furthermore, despite former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's efforts to encourage female workforce participation, gender inequality in the labor market remains stark (Bloomberg, 2023). The notion that integrating robots into households would enable women to focus on their careers while increasing birth rates is itself biased, implying that low birth rates are, in some way, women’s responsibility (Times, 2021).
The late Prime Minister Shinzo Abe envisioned an ideal society under the concept of a Beautiful Nation (美しい国へ). In his book Toward a Beautiful Country (うつくしい国へ), Abe outlined his technological and national development blueprint. The book’s subheading, “自信と誇りの持てる日本へ” (Towards a Japan with Confidence and Pride), underscores his attempt to intertwine technology with traditional values. While Abe never explicitly defined beauty, his use of the term suggests a fusion of political aesthetics and aestheticized politics, emphasizing the inseparability of technological progress from cultural tradition (Abe, 2006).
Japan’s humanoid robotics development faced setbacks after the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake, leading the government to scale back its active promotion of such technologies. However, Japanese corporations continue to lead in robotics research and component production. In 2019, Japan launched its Moonshot Goals 2050, outlining ambitions to develop AI-powered robots capable of autonomous learning, environmental adaptation, and intelligent evolution to work alongside humans by 2050. Another goal envisions a society where humans transcend physical, cognitive, spatial, and temporal limitations, signaling Japan’s ongoing commitment to robotics (Cabinet Office, 2019).
Meanwhile, China prioritizes AI and robotics in its 14th Five-Year Plan and 2035 Vision, particularly for labor shortages in elder care (China, 2021) (Yao, 2024). Institutions such as Beijing Institute of Technology (Marco Ceccarelli & Rafael López-García, 2019), the Wukong series from Zhejiang University (Robotics D. , 2023), UBTECH's Walker series, Unitree's H1 (Unitree, 2024), Leju's KUAVO (XTech, 2024), Xiaomi's CyberOne (Highlights, 2023), and and the Xiaoqirobot showcased at the 2024 Tianjin World Intelligence Congress (Cheng Lu, Li Kun, Song Rui, Lu Ye, Sun Fanyue, Zhao Zishuo, Li Ran, 2024).
China’s commitment to humanoid robotics is further evident in policy initiatives, such as the New Industry Standardization Pilot Program (2023–2035) released by the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology (MIIT) in August 2023, the Guiding Opinions on the Innovative Development of Humanoid Robotsissued in October 2023 (Municipality, 2024), and the Implementation Opinions on Promoting Future Industrial Innovation released in January 2024(Agency, 2024). These policies illustrate how governments segment time to construct official historical narratives, allowing stakeholders, both domestic and international, to anticipate national trajectories and align their plans accordingly. By delineating temporal boundaries and making strategic commitments, the state directs financial and social development while managing stakeholder expectations.
On the surface, Innovation 25 appears forward-thinking in its vision of robots aiding women in focusing on their careers. Yet, this vision is sharply contradicted by the reality - both at the time of its publication and persisting into our current context - of limited career advancement opportunities for women and the looming possibility of AI replacing predominantly female-dominated jobs such as secretarial and assistant roles (Forum, 2023). Furthermore, despite former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's efforts to encourage female workforce participation, gender inequality in the labor market remains stark (Bloomberg, 2023). The notion that integrating robots into households would enable women to focus on their careers while increasing birth rates is itself biased, implying that low birth rates are, in some way, women’s responsibility (Times, 2021).
The late Prime Minister Shinzo Abe envisioned an ideal society under the concept of a Beautiful Nation (美しい国へ). In his book Toward a Beautiful Country (うつくしい国へ), Abe outlined his technological and national development blueprint. The book’s subheading, “自信と誇りの持てる日本へ” (Towards a Japan with Confidence and Pride), underscores his attempt to intertwine technology with traditional values. While Abe never explicitly defined beauty, his use of the term suggests a fusion of political aesthetics and aestheticized politics, emphasizing the inseparability of technological progress from cultural tradition (Abe, 2006).
Japan’s humanoid robotics development faced setbacks after the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake, leading the government to scale back its active promotion of such technologies. However, Japanese corporations continue to lead in robotics research and component production. In 2019, Japan launched its Moonshot Goals 2050, outlining ambitions to develop AI-powered robots capable of autonomous learning, environmental adaptation, and intelligent evolution to work alongside humans by 2050. Another goal envisions a society where humans transcend physical, cognitive, spatial, and temporal limitations, signaling Japan’s ongoing commitment to robotics (Cabinet Office, 2019).
Meanwhile, China prioritizes AI and robotics in its 14th Five-Year Plan and 2035 Vision, particularly for labor shortages in elder care (China, 2021) (Yao, 2024). Institutions such as Beijing Institute of Technology (Marco Ceccarelli & Rafael López-García, 2019), the Wukong series from Zhejiang University (Robotics D. , 2023), UBTECH's Walker series, Unitree's H1 (Unitree, 2024), Leju's KUAVO (XTech, 2024), Xiaomi's CyberOne (Highlights, 2023), and and the Xiaoqirobot showcased at the 2024 Tianjin World Intelligence Congress (Cheng Lu, Li Kun, Song Rui, Lu Ye, Sun Fanyue, Zhao Zishuo, Li Ran, 2024).
China’s commitment to humanoid robotics is further evident in policy initiatives, such as the New Industry Standardization Pilot Program (2023–2035) released by the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology (MIIT) in August 2023, the Guiding Opinions on the Innovative Development of Humanoid Robotsissued in October 2023 (Municipality, 2024), and the Implementation Opinions on Promoting Future Industrial Innovation released in January 2024(Agency, 2024). These policies illustrate how governments segment time to construct official historical narratives, allowing stakeholders, both domestic and international, to anticipate national trajectories and align their plans accordingly. By delineating temporal boundaries and making strategic commitments, the state directs financial and social development while managing stakeholder expectations.
Technology,
Power, and Gender
The
integration of artificial intelligence and robotics into modern society is
often framed as a progressive force, promising to enhance efficiency, alleviate
labor burdens, and promote social equality. However, these technologies do not
exist in a vacuum; rather, they are deeply embedded within existing power
structures that shape their development and application. By examining AI and
robotics through the lens of historical and social forces, it becomes evident
that these technologies frequently reinforce rather than dismantle hierarchical
labor systems, particularly in the context of gender.
In The Myth of the Machine, Lewis Mumford introduced the concept of the megamachine- a form of social organization that integrates human labor, technological systems, and bureaucratic structures to achieve collective goals (Mumford, 1971). This concept extends beyond physical machinery to represent a complex social system characterized by centralized power and technological coordination.
In modern society, state policies become integral components of the “megamachine,” particularly in AI and robotics development, where these policies often reflect concentrated power structures. For instance, Japan’s Innovation 25initiative sought to address women’s employment issues through robotics but, in reality, redefined women’s roles in the labor market. These megamachinesprioritize time efficiency while simultaneously restructuring and exploiting female labor. While AI theoretically has the potential to alleviate traditional gendered labor burdens, its real-world implementation often reinforces these roles, rendering women invisible as service providers within technological frameworks.
As an expensive and “state or corporate funded” technology like OpenAI's ChatGPT, Google's Gemini, and Deepseek, AI reflects not only technological advancements but also national ideologies and policy priorities. Martin Heidegger, in The Question Concerning Technology, argued that technology’s essence lies not in its mechanics but in its capacity to shape how we perceive the world. This is a process he termed Gestell (Heidegger, 2013). Similarly, state policies frame AI within specific value systems, influencing public perceptions of technology’s role. While utopian visions like Fully Automated Luxury Communism (FALC) propose a future where AI and robotics liberate labor, allowing individuals, regardless of gender, to pursue their "true" potential (Bastani, 2019), these ideals often ignore embedded power structures and mechanisms of social control.
Ultimately, technology does not operate independently of historical and social forces; it frequently reinforces preexisting hierarchies, particularly in the context of gender. In reality, technology frequently upholds existing power relations, and in the context of gender, displaces female labor onto digital platforms rather than dismantling traditional biases. In East Asia, technological futures are deeply shaped by historical, cultural, and gendered traditions, where individual and gendered narratives are often subsumed into national discourse and societal norms. The past lingers like a specter, continuing to haunt East Asia’s visions of the future.
In The Myth of the Machine, Lewis Mumford introduced the concept of the megamachine- a form of social organization that integrates human labor, technological systems, and bureaucratic structures to achieve collective goals (Mumford, 1971). This concept extends beyond physical machinery to represent a complex social system characterized by centralized power and technological coordination.
In modern society, state policies become integral components of the “megamachine,” particularly in AI and robotics development, where these policies often reflect concentrated power structures. For instance, Japan’s Innovation 25initiative sought to address women’s employment issues through robotics but, in reality, redefined women’s roles in the labor market. These megamachinesprioritize time efficiency while simultaneously restructuring and exploiting female labor. While AI theoretically has the potential to alleviate traditional gendered labor burdens, its real-world implementation often reinforces these roles, rendering women invisible as service providers within technological frameworks.
As an expensive and “state or corporate funded” technology like OpenAI's ChatGPT, Google's Gemini, and Deepseek, AI reflects not only technological advancements but also national ideologies and policy priorities. Martin Heidegger, in The Question Concerning Technology, argued that technology’s essence lies not in its mechanics but in its capacity to shape how we perceive the world. This is a process he termed Gestell (Heidegger, 2013). Similarly, state policies frame AI within specific value systems, influencing public perceptions of technology’s role. While utopian visions like Fully Automated Luxury Communism (FALC) propose a future where AI and robotics liberate labor, allowing individuals, regardless of gender, to pursue their "true" potential (Bastani, 2019), these ideals often ignore embedded power structures and mechanisms of social control.
Ultimately, technology does not operate independently of historical and social forces; it frequently reinforces preexisting hierarchies, particularly in the context of gender. In reality, technology frequently upholds existing power relations, and in the context of gender, displaces female labor onto digital platforms rather than dismantling traditional biases. In East Asia, technological futures are deeply shaped by historical, cultural, and gendered traditions, where individual and gendered narratives are often subsumed into national discourse and societal norms. The past lingers like a specter, continuing to haunt East Asia’s visions of the future.
The Cultural Imagination of the Artificial
Perfect Woman
The concept of the artificial perfect woman has long been
shaped by cultural, technological, and ideological forces. From mythology to film,
the image of the ideal female figure continues to evolve while retaining
deep-seated gender biases.
Donna Haraway’s “A Cyborg Manifesto” uses the cyborg as a metaphor to challenge binary oppositions - human/machine, nature/technology - and envisioning a post-gender identity unconstrained by biological and social norms. This idea has influenced cyberfeminism and efforts to redefine gender in digital spaces (Haraway, A Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology, and Socialist-Feminism in the Late Twentieth Century, 1911). The Australian art collective VNS Matrix echoed this in A Cyberfeminist Manifesto for the 21st Century, using provocative metaphors like “the clitoris is a direct line to the matrix” to highlight technological empowerment (Matrix, A Cyberfeminist Manifesto for the 21st Century, 1911) and later declaring that “the future is unmanned” (Matrix, Poster Auction – The Future is Unmanned, 1994). Similarly, Legacy Russell’s Glitch Feminism sees the glitch as resistance, disrupting rigid gender norms and expanding self-expression beyond traditional frameworks (Russell, 2020). These works offer rich possibilities for reimagining the future.
However, despite Haraway’s vision of a post-gender future, East Asian societies have developed in the opposite direction. Compared to the West, humanoid robots developed in East Asia are often designed with strong gender characteristics, as detailed in APPENDIX A: List of Female Robot. This design trend reveals the lack of gender awareness among roboticists and technology practitioners. The persistence of such gendered design choices is likely deeply tied to East Asia’s longstanding cultural traditions: 三從四德 (The Three Obediences and Four Virtues) in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan; 大和撫子 (Yamato Nadeshiko) in Japan; and 여덕 (yeodeok, female virtue) in Korea, all emphasizing obedience, grace, and domesticity. Anne Anlin Cheng’s Ornamentalism captures this issue, noting how “yellow women” are rarely depicted as angry, not due to an absence of emotion, but because it conflicts with long-imposed aesthetic ideals (Cheng, 2019). Cheng’s observation vividly highlights the biases that East Asian women face, particularly within the cultural and technological landscapes of East Asian societies.
Historically, the concept of the "perfect woman" has often been constructed through male imagination, resulting in objectified female portrayals. From Descartes’ mechanical doll (Wood, 2003) (Westphal, 2019) and Ovid’s Pygmalion (Ovid (translated by Sir Samuel Garth, 1 A.C.E.) to Bride of Frankenstein (Whale, 1935) and Hoffmann’s The Sandman (Hoffmann, 2009). These narratives have shaped male fantasies of the “ideal woman,” which, in modern times, have been reinterpreted through the lens of the uncanny valleyphenomenon.
Unlike Western films such as Metropolis (Lang, 1927), which depict robots as threatening figures, East Asian media has long portrayed robots as friendly companions—a tendency established as early as Astro Boy (Tezuka, 1952). In East Asian anime and manga, female robots are frequently designed with exaggerated gender traits, as seen in Major Motoko Kusanagi from Ghost in the Shell (Oshii, 1995) and Chi fromChobits (Clamp, 2000). Their bodies are often hyper-feminized, featuring ample breasts, slender waists, and flawless faces, catering to the male gaze. In Chobits, Chi’s activation switch is located inside her vagina, requiring the user Hidekito reach inside to turn her on - an overt metaphor for male control over female autonomy. These robots embody beauty, obedience, and sexuality, aligning with East Asian cultural expectations of women as gentle and cute. Chi’s childlike innocence and dependence become even more pronounced once she gains emotions, further reinforcing her role as an object of male desire.
Donna Haraway’s “A Cyborg Manifesto” uses the cyborg as a metaphor to challenge binary oppositions - human/machine, nature/technology - and envisioning a post-gender identity unconstrained by biological and social norms. This idea has influenced cyberfeminism and efforts to redefine gender in digital spaces (Haraway, A Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology, and Socialist-Feminism in the Late Twentieth Century, 1911). The Australian art collective VNS Matrix echoed this in A Cyberfeminist Manifesto for the 21st Century, using provocative metaphors like “the clitoris is a direct line to the matrix” to highlight technological empowerment (Matrix, A Cyberfeminist Manifesto for the 21st Century, 1911) and later declaring that “the future is unmanned” (Matrix, Poster Auction – The Future is Unmanned, 1994). Similarly, Legacy Russell’s Glitch Feminism sees the glitch as resistance, disrupting rigid gender norms and expanding self-expression beyond traditional frameworks (Russell, 2020). These works offer rich possibilities for reimagining the future.
However, despite Haraway’s vision of a post-gender future, East Asian societies have developed in the opposite direction. Compared to the West, humanoid robots developed in East Asia are often designed with strong gender characteristics, as detailed in APPENDIX A: List of Female Robot. This design trend reveals the lack of gender awareness among roboticists and technology practitioners. The persistence of such gendered design choices is likely deeply tied to East Asia’s longstanding cultural traditions: 三從四德 (The Three Obediences and Four Virtues) in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan; 大和撫子 (Yamato Nadeshiko) in Japan; and 여덕 (yeodeok, female virtue) in Korea, all emphasizing obedience, grace, and domesticity. Anne Anlin Cheng’s Ornamentalism captures this issue, noting how “yellow women” are rarely depicted as angry, not due to an absence of emotion, but because it conflicts with long-imposed aesthetic ideals (Cheng, 2019). Cheng’s observation vividly highlights the biases that East Asian women face, particularly within the cultural and technological landscapes of East Asian societies.
Historically, the concept of the "perfect woman" has often been constructed through male imagination, resulting in objectified female portrayals. From Descartes’ mechanical doll (Wood, 2003) (Westphal, 2019) and Ovid’s Pygmalion (Ovid (translated by Sir Samuel Garth, 1 A.C.E.) to Bride of Frankenstein (Whale, 1935) and Hoffmann’s The Sandman (Hoffmann, 2009). These narratives have shaped male fantasies of the “ideal woman,” which, in modern times, have been reinterpreted through the lens of the uncanny valleyphenomenon.
Unlike Western films such as Metropolis (Lang, 1927), which depict robots as threatening figures, East Asian media has long portrayed robots as friendly companions—a tendency established as early as Astro Boy (Tezuka, 1952). In East Asian anime and manga, female robots are frequently designed with exaggerated gender traits, as seen in Major Motoko Kusanagi from Ghost in the Shell (Oshii, 1995) and Chi fromChobits (Clamp, 2000). Their bodies are often hyper-feminized, featuring ample breasts, slender waists, and flawless faces, catering to the male gaze. In Chobits, Chi’s activation switch is located inside her vagina, requiring the user Hidekito reach inside to turn her on - an overt metaphor for male control over female autonomy. These robots embody beauty, obedience, and sexuality, aligning with East Asian cultural expectations of women as gentle and cute. Chi’s childlike innocence and dependence become even more pronounced once she gains emotions, further reinforcing her role as an object of male desire.
Similarly, Rei Ayanami from Neon Genesis Evangelion (Anno, Neon Genesis Evangelion , 1995) embodies the archetype of the obedient, maternalized female robot. She exists both as an object of visual pleasure and as an unconditionally servile tool for humanity. Though she maintains an emotionally detached demeanor, her character ultimately serves Shinji Ikari, fulfilling his longing for maternal affection while simultaneously catering to his sexual fantasies. This firmly positions female robots within a framework of visual pleasure and functional servitude.
This idealized portrayal of female robots extends to films such as Sayonara (Fukada, 2015) with Geminoid F, Ex Machina (Garland, 2015) with Kyoko, and Air Doll (Koreeda, 2009) with Nozomi. Japanese artist Hajime Sorayama’s work also reinforces this trend. His art book features robots with voluptuous bodies, tiny waists, and smooth metallic skin, transforming them into embodiments of sexual fantasy (Sorayama, 1989). His robots strike provocative poses, seemingly inviting interactions with male humans or other machines. Sorayama’s work can be seen as the quintessential form of female robot fantasy, leaving a profound impact on East Asian art, literature, and film.
Despite their thematic differences, these films and artworks share two enduring male fantasies: "the desire to create a flawless artificial woman" and "an obsession with mechanical replication." Just as the mythological Pygmalion sculpted and fell in love with his creation Galatea, today's creators similarly use science and technology to realize these ancient fantasies. While fantasies of a "living perfect woman" have evolved with technological advancements, certain aspects remain strikingly consistent despite shifts in cultural contexts and technological means. Galatea, reimagined through virtual dating and digital manipulation, continues to embody male dreams, often appearing quieter, safer, more alluring, and even more violable than real women with independent identities, desires, and needs. A case in point is South Korea’s controversial 2021 chatbot Lee Luda (이루다), which was subjected to widespread sexual harassment (Hyo-jin, 2021)..
It is also worth noting that before the advent of cinema, East Asian traditional theater had already cultivated a long history of gender performance. In Japanese Takarazuka Revue, Chinese Peking Opera, and Taiwan’s Gezai Opera, they all cast gender roles based on height, body shape, facial features, and vocal range has been a long-standing practice. Whether in traditional theater or cinema, this ritualized mode of gender performance is reflected in East Asian robot design as well.
Judith Butler’s theory of gender performance provides a critical framework for understanding how gender is constructed through repeated social enactments. In Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity, Judith Butler argues that gender is not an inherent or essential trait but rather a "performance" constructed through social norms and cultural contexts. Through repeated enactments over time, these gendered behaviors come to be perceived as "real" gender expressions, leading people to mistakenly believe that gender is fixed and immutable. However, gender performance is not entirely a matter of personal choice; it is shaped and constrained by social structures, power mechanisms, and cultural norms (Butler, 2006).
The relationship between visual technology and power dynamics is crucial in understanding how cinematic images reinforce societal norms. Steve Anderson, in Visual Technology: The War Between Image and Data, explains that in traditional visual culture, seeing and being seen symbolize power. Our gaze categorizes things as beautiful or ugly, public or private, wealthy or impoverished, male or female (Anderson, Technologies of Vision: The War Between Data and Images, 2017). Film theorists such as Baudry and Williams argue that cinematic visual mechanisms reinforce dominant ideologies by positioning viewers in fixed perspectives, making them passively absorb visual messages (Jean-Louis Baudry & Alan Williams, 1974). Ideology is not externally imposed onto film, rather, it is embedded within the very structure of cinema, shaping the viewer’s perception. Mulvey further examines how the "male gaze" positions women as passive subjects within the heterosexual norm (Mulvey, 1975).
With advancements in visual technologies, gender performance in cinema is now shifting towards AI-generated imagery, where machine learning extends the male gaze. For example, tools like Midjourney and Stable Diffusion tend to oversimplify women's aesthetics and socioeconomic roles. In Cinema and Machine Vision, Daniel Chávez Heras used the DenseCap system to analyze the BBC’s database and found that male appearances on BBC channels significantly outnumbered female appearances, with men comprising 62% of the images while women made up only 38%. This suggests that training data in machine vision can amplify existing biases, highlighting the urgent need to challenge the illusion of AI objectivity (Heras, Cinema and Machine Vision, 2024). Buolamwini also introduces the concept of "coded gaze," emphasizing how the lack of diversity in AI training data skews image recognition results towards male representation (Buolamwini, 2020). Meanwhile, research by Gorska & Jemielniak reveals that AI-generated depictions of professionals such as doctors, lawyers, engineers, and scientists are overwhelmingly male, with men representing 76% of these figures while women account for a mere 8%. Even in reality, where women make up nearly half of the medical profession, AI-generated female doctors appear in only 7% of cases (Anna M. Gorska & Dariusz Jemielniak, 2023).
The feminization of artificial intelligence is highly
complex and cannot be attributed to a single cause. Studies indicate that voice
assistants such as Siri, Alexa, and Cortana predominantly adopt female voices,
potentially due to historical associations with early telephone operators,
shaping user expectations of female-voiced assistance (Blakemore, 2024). Stanford University communication
professor Clifford Nass further argues that people tend to perceive female
voices as supportive and male voices as authoritative, which explains the
default preference for female voices in AI-driven speech systems (Nass, 1997).
This phenomenon mirrors historical cybernetics and male perceptions of women, just as women were once regarded as subordinate to men, artificial intelligence is now "unconsciously" replicating existing cultural and gender stereotypes. Real-world examples include Amazon's AI recruiting system, which exhibited bias toward male candidates in 2018 (Cole, 2018), and facial recognition technologies that attempt to calculate "attractiveness scores" (Vidnoz, 2024). With advancements in humanoid robotics, such as Osaka University and Kokoro Co.'s Actroid DER2, introduced in 2003, the incorporation of young female appearances and mannerisms further exemplifies how "machine gaze" is emerging as a new form of the "male gaze" (Dreams, 2024) (TV, 2006).
The assignment of gender to objects, particularly AI and robots, reflects deep-seated human desires and cultural projections rather than functional necessity. But why must objects have gender? In The System of Objects, Jean Baudrillard uses the concept of "automatisme" to explain how human essence and subconscious desires are projected onto objects, leading to a transcendence of mere functionality in design. He describes this transcendence as vérité imaginaire, or "imaginary truth" in the realm of images. According to Baudrillard, our desire for automated objects reflects an ongoing search for "another self" in the object world, reaching a new stage where "we are witnessing the new anthropomorphization of objects… autonomy, cognitive control, individuality, and personality are being projected onto objects" (Baudrillard, The System of Objects, 2006). This anthropomorphization manifests distinctly in gendered AI robots, where predominantly feminine attributes are projected onto technological entities, reflecting deeply embedded cultural expectations and power dynamics rather than technological necessity.
Similarly, in Unthought: The Power of the Cognitive Nonconscious, N. Katherine Hayles introduces the concept of the "cognitive nonconscious," arguing that cognition is not exclusive to humans but also exists within technological systems. She asserts that cognition does not originate from self-awareness but emerges from the interplay of social, cultural, and technological systems (Halyes, 2017). Hayles' framework reveals how these technologies become embedded with gender biases through their cognitive processes and interactions, perpetuating traditional gender roles despite their non-human nature. The feminization of AI assistants and robots thus becomes not just an aesthetic choice but a manifestation of how cognitive systems - both human and technological - reproduce and reinforce gender hierarchies.
The highly gendered design of humanoid robots in East Asia stands in stark contrast to the more function-oriented approach in the West. For example, Boston Dynamics’ Atlas (dynamics, 2024) and NASA’s Valkyrie (Administration, 2024) prioritize practicality, while robots like Ameca (Arts, 2024)and Ai-Da (Ai-Da, 2024)may suggest gender through voice but do not overtly emphasize feminized features. Instead, these robots focus on intellectual and artistic expression. This focus on intellectual capabilities is evident in how Ai-Da is primarily showcased for her painting abilities and philosophical discussions rather than appearance, while Ameca's design emphasizes facial expressiveness for human-robot interaction studies rather than gendered physical attributes. Similarly, Boston Dynamics consistently demonstrates Atlas performing practical tasks like lifting boxes, navigating difficult terrain, and performing acrobatics—capabilities that highlight functional engineering rather than social or aesthetic gender performance.
I believe that while technology has the potential for liberation, it can also serve as a tool of oppression. As Judith Butler argues in Gender Trouble, gender is a socially constructed performance (Butler, 2006). Even in AI, gender performance continues to influence user interaction and functionality. Beyond cultural observation, this phenomenon can also be examined through the gender composition of the tech industry. For example, according to 2019 OECD data, in Japan, the most advanced country in robotics technology in East Asia, only 7% of STEM students are women ( Shin Torizuka and Noriko Ueda & Yomiuri Shimbun Staff Writers, 2022). Additionally, data from the International Labour Organization shows that women make up only 20% of AI and data professionals (UNESCO, 2024).
In addition, AI and automation disproportionately impact women in the labor market, reinforcing existing gender inequalities. Economists point out that the jobs most affected by AI are typically those held by women rather than men. In automation-dominated fields such as customer service and secretarial work, women account for approximately 60% to 70% of the workforce. Meanwhile, although women are gradually entering business and government leadership roles, progress remains slow. In major publicly listed companies, 92% of CEOs are male, and in emerging markets, this figure rises to 94% (Office, 2023). It could be argued that in this male-dominated environment, the digital world is merely replicating real-world power dynamics.
Even more concerning is that this phenomenon is not limited to East Asia, it is global. The only difference is that in East Asia, public awareness of gender issues in technology is even weaker. At the 2024 World Robot Conference in Beijing, many female robot designs featured exaggerated sexualized characteristics, some companies such as Ex Robot, even hiring real women to play robots (Conference, 2024). Videos circulating on social media depict female robots being commanded or treated as submissive objects (4.0, 2024).
The cultural differences in traditional robot regulations between East and West also reflect broader societal values and ideologies. Isaac Asimov’s Three Laws of Robotics prioritize human safety, requiring robots to obey commands and protect themselves without violating these principles. (Asimov, 1991). In contrast, Osamu Tezuka’s 1988 Ten Robot Laws state that a robot’s gender is fixed - male and female robots must keep their assigned roles - and robots must call their creators "father" (Akiko, 2024). This further reveals the patriarchal ideology embedded in Japanese society.
A critical analysis of humanoid robot design trends reveals that gender is often implemented in robotics as if it were a fixed binary characteristic, rather than the complex social construct recognized in contemporary gender studies. Many roboticists may treat gender as something inherent, transcendental, and self-evident, without exploring it as critically as feminist theorists do. Although their intentions may differ, they inadvertently reproduce and reinforce dominant stereotypes associated with male and female bodies. For instance, the cover of the Journal of Artificial Intelligence, published by the Japanese Society for Artificial Intelligence (JSAI) in 2014, featured an illustration of a robot with distinctly traditional female characteristics in a Japanese anime style (Intelligence, Announcement on name change and new cover design of the Journal of JSAI, 2014). Established in 1986, JSAI has approximately 3,000 members, the vast majority of whom are male, with only 2 out of 24 officials on its ethics committee being women (Intelligence, Ethics Committee Member List, 2024).
It is worth noting that research has shown that user satisfaction with AI products does not significantly increase based on the AI's gender, suggesting that the gendering of artificial intelligence may not be necessary (Jungyong Ahn & Jungwon Ki & Yongjun Sung, 2021). Additionally, many female robots are not developed as end products but are instead created for research purposes or serve as brand ambassadors at government and corporate events. As a result, this "gendered design" is not primarily driven by consumer psychology, as these robots have yet to be widely introduced into the consumer market. Examples include Korea’s EveR-1 and EveR-2, Japan’s Actroid DER series, HRP-4C, and Erica, as well as China’s Jia Jia and Xiao Qi.
The global dissemination of East Asian gendered technologies raises concerns about the international spread of gender stereotypes. In East Asia, the global influence of humanoid robots with gendered features is significant. As the region's technology exports continue to expand rapidly, these gendered technologies could gain widespread adoption in international markets, spreading gender stereotypes through their design and contributing to a "globalized gender representation."
This phenomenon mirrors historical cybernetics and male perceptions of women, just as women were once regarded as subordinate to men, artificial intelligence is now "unconsciously" replicating existing cultural and gender stereotypes. Real-world examples include Amazon's AI recruiting system, which exhibited bias toward male candidates in 2018 (Cole, 2018), and facial recognition technologies that attempt to calculate "attractiveness scores" (Vidnoz, 2024). With advancements in humanoid robotics, such as Osaka University and Kokoro Co.'s Actroid DER2, introduced in 2003, the incorporation of young female appearances and mannerisms further exemplifies how "machine gaze" is emerging as a new form of the "male gaze" (Dreams, 2024) (TV, 2006).
The assignment of gender to objects, particularly AI and robots, reflects deep-seated human desires and cultural projections rather than functional necessity. But why must objects have gender? In The System of Objects, Jean Baudrillard uses the concept of "automatisme" to explain how human essence and subconscious desires are projected onto objects, leading to a transcendence of mere functionality in design. He describes this transcendence as vérité imaginaire, or "imaginary truth" in the realm of images. According to Baudrillard, our desire for automated objects reflects an ongoing search for "another self" in the object world, reaching a new stage where "we are witnessing the new anthropomorphization of objects… autonomy, cognitive control, individuality, and personality are being projected onto objects" (Baudrillard, The System of Objects, 2006). This anthropomorphization manifests distinctly in gendered AI robots, where predominantly feminine attributes are projected onto technological entities, reflecting deeply embedded cultural expectations and power dynamics rather than technological necessity.
Similarly, in Unthought: The Power of the Cognitive Nonconscious, N. Katherine Hayles introduces the concept of the "cognitive nonconscious," arguing that cognition is not exclusive to humans but also exists within technological systems. She asserts that cognition does not originate from self-awareness but emerges from the interplay of social, cultural, and technological systems (Halyes, 2017). Hayles' framework reveals how these technologies become embedded with gender biases through their cognitive processes and interactions, perpetuating traditional gender roles despite their non-human nature. The feminization of AI assistants and robots thus becomes not just an aesthetic choice but a manifestation of how cognitive systems - both human and technological - reproduce and reinforce gender hierarchies.
The highly gendered design of humanoid robots in East Asia stands in stark contrast to the more function-oriented approach in the West. For example, Boston Dynamics’ Atlas (dynamics, 2024) and NASA’s Valkyrie (Administration, 2024) prioritize practicality, while robots like Ameca (Arts, 2024)and Ai-Da (Ai-Da, 2024)may suggest gender through voice but do not overtly emphasize feminized features. Instead, these robots focus on intellectual and artistic expression. This focus on intellectual capabilities is evident in how Ai-Da is primarily showcased for her painting abilities and philosophical discussions rather than appearance, while Ameca's design emphasizes facial expressiveness for human-robot interaction studies rather than gendered physical attributes. Similarly, Boston Dynamics consistently demonstrates Atlas performing practical tasks like lifting boxes, navigating difficult terrain, and performing acrobatics—capabilities that highlight functional engineering rather than social or aesthetic gender performance.
I believe that while technology has the potential for liberation, it can also serve as a tool of oppression. As Judith Butler argues in Gender Trouble, gender is a socially constructed performance (Butler, 2006). Even in AI, gender performance continues to influence user interaction and functionality. Beyond cultural observation, this phenomenon can also be examined through the gender composition of the tech industry. For example, according to 2019 OECD data, in Japan, the most advanced country in robotics technology in East Asia, only 7% of STEM students are women ( Shin Torizuka and Noriko Ueda & Yomiuri Shimbun Staff Writers, 2022). Additionally, data from the International Labour Organization shows that women make up only 20% of AI and data professionals (UNESCO, 2024).
In addition, AI and automation disproportionately impact women in the labor market, reinforcing existing gender inequalities. Economists point out that the jobs most affected by AI are typically those held by women rather than men. In automation-dominated fields such as customer service and secretarial work, women account for approximately 60% to 70% of the workforce. Meanwhile, although women are gradually entering business and government leadership roles, progress remains slow. In major publicly listed companies, 92% of CEOs are male, and in emerging markets, this figure rises to 94% (Office, 2023). It could be argued that in this male-dominated environment, the digital world is merely replicating real-world power dynamics.
Even more concerning is that this phenomenon is not limited to East Asia, it is global. The only difference is that in East Asia, public awareness of gender issues in technology is even weaker. At the 2024 World Robot Conference in Beijing, many female robot designs featured exaggerated sexualized characteristics, some companies such as Ex Robot, even hiring real women to play robots (Conference, 2024). Videos circulating on social media depict female robots being commanded or treated as submissive objects (4.0, 2024).
The cultural differences in traditional robot regulations between East and West also reflect broader societal values and ideologies. Isaac Asimov’s Three Laws of Robotics prioritize human safety, requiring robots to obey commands and protect themselves without violating these principles. (Asimov, 1991). In contrast, Osamu Tezuka’s 1988 Ten Robot Laws state that a robot’s gender is fixed - male and female robots must keep their assigned roles - and robots must call their creators "father" (Akiko, 2024). This further reveals the patriarchal ideology embedded in Japanese society.
A critical analysis of humanoid robot design trends reveals that gender is often implemented in robotics as if it were a fixed binary characteristic, rather than the complex social construct recognized in contemporary gender studies. Many roboticists may treat gender as something inherent, transcendental, and self-evident, without exploring it as critically as feminist theorists do. Although their intentions may differ, they inadvertently reproduce and reinforce dominant stereotypes associated with male and female bodies. For instance, the cover of the Journal of Artificial Intelligence, published by the Japanese Society for Artificial Intelligence (JSAI) in 2014, featured an illustration of a robot with distinctly traditional female characteristics in a Japanese anime style (Intelligence, Announcement on name change and new cover design of the Journal of JSAI, 2014). Established in 1986, JSAI has approximately 3,000 members, the vast majority of whom are male, with only 2 out of 24 officials on its ethics committee being women (Intelligence, Ethics Committee Member List, 2024).
It is worth noting that research has shown that user satisfaction with AI products does not significantly increase based on the AI's gender, suggesting that the gendering of artificial intelligence may not be necessary (Jungyong Ahn & Jungwon Ki & Yongjun Sung, 2021). Additionally, many female robots are not developed as end products but are instead created for research purposes or serve as brand ambassadors at government and corporate events. As a result, this "gendered design" is not primarily driven by consumer psychology, as these robots have yet to be widely introduced into the consumer market. Examples include Korea’s EveR-1 and EveR-2, Japan’s Actroid DER series, HRP-4C, and Erica, as well as China’s Jia Jia and Xiao Qi.
The global dissemination of East Asian gendered technologies raises concerns about the international spread of gender stereotypes. In East Asia, the global influence of humanoid robots with gendered features is significant. As the region's technology exports continue to expand rapidly, these gendered technologies could gain widespread adoption in international markets, spreading gender stereotypes through their design and contributing to a "globalized gender representation."